The Bigger Picture Part 31

Let’s look at Kissinger, Nixon – and Bush

Mar 14, 2023

Introduction

I wrote in the introduction to Part 30, that I would write about Watergate in this Part. Since then, I’ve read Russ Baker’s ‘Family of Secrets’ and the bigger picture has become clearer. Therefore, I have to introduce more players and actions before I can show you what Watergate was.

In the last part, we saw, how Kissinger wormed his way into the Nixon administration – on orders from the Committee of 300. We saw which ‘Big Rat Nests’ Kissinger was a member of. The most important being Tavistock – in order to understand how he ‘Watergated’ Nixon.
Tavistock is the brainwashing Institute and Kissinger was a master in brainwashing.
To me, it is clear, that Kissinger was the one in charge of the psychological warfare against Nixon that resulted in his resignation.

But what about all the practical details? The wiretaps, the Plumbers, the leaks – and later in the Watergate hearing, the judge, the prosecutors, etc.
As I’ll show, some of those details point to George H W Bush, Poppy Bush for short.

So let me introduce Bush to this conspiracy.

Nixon was the son of a lemon rancher in California and he held no respect for the East coast elites, the Ivy Leagues – who often were the money behind those elected for offices.
The way the US election process is set up, a candidate needs a lot of funding to have a chance. And Nixon had neither money himself – nor wealthy connections.

But then Prescot Bush launched Nixon’s career in 1946 – first by raising money for his run for the House of Representatives and three years later his run for the Senate.
According to Roger Stone, Prescot Bush urged Eisenhower to take Nixon on the ticket for VP in 1952. The Bush family was behind Nixon’s rise to power for almost three decades.

Quote Russ Baker ‘Family of Secrets’
The long overlooked Nixon-Bush story is a tale filled with plots and counterplots, power lust and ego trips, trust and betrayal, strategic alliances, and rude revenge. It has a kind of mythic circularity: the elite Bush clan created the “populist” Nixon so that a President Nixon could later play a major role in creating a Bush political dynasty. And finally, the trusted Bushes, having gotten where they wanted, could play a role in Nixon’s fall.

This quote spans three decades! The Cabal plays a long game.

Let me make my stand clear: Nixon was not a Bush puppet – as many have interpreted the picture above. He was not a Cabal-puppet.

In my opinion, Nixon took advantage of opportunities that made it possible for him to fulfill his ambitions. He didn’t always do what the Bushes wanted him to do – like giving Poppy a VP position in the 1968 run - BUT he apparently did feel an obligation to give back to the Bushes. So Poppy Bush got positions and recommendations that in the long run didn’t serve the country.
We’ll get back to that.

Nixon is often described as ‘paranoid’ – but maybe he had good reason to feel apprehensive. Maybe he recognized the type of men the Bushes were – and therefore did not trust.
And it would have been wise not to trust Kissinger – which he didn’t learn fast enough.

Quote Coleman, Committee of 300
The way President Nixon was first isolated, surrounded by traitors, and then confused, followed to the letter Tavistock’s method of gaining full control of a person according to the methodology laid down by Tavistock's chief theoretician, Dr. Kurt Lewin.

Kissinger established a toxic environment in the White House - a foundation for what would later lead to the ‘Watergating’.
He installed his Manhattan Round Table aids in the administration and got rid of the men close to Nixon.
Let’s look at a few examples.

Richard V Allen

The following is an example of how Kissinger cut Nixon’s loyal people off.
Kissinger had used Allen as a go-between up to the election – as we saw in Part 30.
After taking office as Security Advisor, Kissinger called Allen to a meeting and flattered him excessively. He introduced him to the press – and when Allen later talked to the press, Kissinger complained to Nixon that Allen’s interview would provoke the Soviets.

Then the New York Times wrote a friendly peace about Allen – and had the astonishing information, that Allen had ‘maintained discreet contact with Dr. Kissinger’ during the Nixon campaign. Kissinger had asked Allen to keep this a secret – and I don’t believe that Allen broke his word. This action fits Kissinger’s Modus Operandi better.

A few days later Allen read another article, in Los Angeles Times, titled “Nixon’s Bizarre Choice”. As he tells Hersh in an interview:

Quote Hersh – ‘The Price of Power’
“I remember looking down and saying to myself, ‘Who is this poor man?’ I started reading and it is I.” The columnists, calling Allen a member of the “sandbox right,” wrote that “the gap between Kissinger’s sophisticated, adult anti-communism and Allen’s simplistic version is a chasm.” They further quoted Nixon aides as “apologetically” pointing out that Allen was no longer an assistant to Nixon, as he had been during the campaign, but “was specifically named as an assistant to the mature Dr. Kissinger.”

As we know, the media was already heavily infiltrated by the Cabal puppets back then. So I’m quite sure, it is Kissinger’s voice we hear - devaluating Allen’s qualifications. This devaluation Allen learns by reading the Los Angeles Times. And furthermore, he learns that he has been demoted and is no longer an assistant to Nixon.

The article also states: “A decision has been made at high levels of the new Administration . . . to isolate him from substantive duties.”

Allen had not had contact with Nixon for a while – and he did not know why. Hersh interviews an NSC staff secretary who recalls Kissinger telling him:

Quote Hersh
“Allen was to be put in a pigeonhole on the corner of a desk someplace and that Allen was not really going to figure in Henry’s operation.” Martin Anderson, a young White House economist, and Nixon campaign worker who had become friendly with Allen watched with fascination as Kissinger worked his will in the White House. Anderson says he was told of a high-level foreign policy meeting in the Oval Office sometime early in 1969 at which Nixon—seemingly concerned about the future of his former campaign aide—turned to Kissinger and said, “Have Dick Allen do this.” Kissinger agreed but, as Anderson subsequently learned, never discussed it with Allen. Weeks later, Anderson was told of a second meeting in the President’s office at which Nixon asked again about the project for Allen and Kissinger responded, in effect: I’m sorry. That man does not produce. I cannot get him to produce.

So all communication went through Kissinger, who lied and manipulated. And this is not only an example of Kissinger being a manipulator – but also an example of Nixon being a wimp, as I called him in the introduction of Part 30. He could have called Allen – and I use the term wimp because, in my opinion, Nixon got anxious when he confronted disagreement – so he avoided it instead.

It must have been a shock for Allen, this young, loyal man - to read that article.

Quote Hersh
It was the first Allen had heard of such a decision, but the column was prophetic. Indeed, as Allen well remembers, he was soon isolated and shunted aside by Kissinger, and widely believed to be a “spy” for Nixon by his more liberal colleagues on the National Security staff. Cut off from all significant assignments, Allen resigned late in 1969. “I was still loyal to Nixon,” he says of his quiet departure. “I really was.”

NSC – and Secretary of State, William Rogers

Let’s look at another Nixon ally – that Kissinger cut off.

Rogers had been Attorney General in the Eisenhower administration. Nixon called him his friend and appointed him Secretary of State – and the Rogers family was the only member of the administration that got invited to dinners in the White House.

Nixon was determined to be in control and therefore demanded new guidelines for the control of foreign policy. Kissinger and Nixon agreed that authority should be shifted to the White House - to the National Safety Council, NSC - and thus to themselves.

Quote Hersh
Kissinger’s goal was institutional power. The NSC had been set up, at the same time as the Central Intelligence Agency, by the National Security Act of 1947, which assigned it the task of advising the President [...] Statutory NSC members included the President, the Vice President, the Secretaries of State and Defense, and the director of the Office of Emergency Planning, with the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the director of Central Intelligence serving as advisers.

But as Nixon and Kissinger showed again and again, they did not include Secretary Rogers or Melvin Laird, Secretary of Defense in decisions about wars and foreign relations.
Kissinger and Nixon made decisions between themselves - that they didn’t share with Rogers and Laird.
They called it NSC – but it was something else.

Quote Hersh
For all his sniping at Laird, the most consistent target for Kissinger was William Rogers. […] Henry felt that there was something between Rogers and Nixon that he could never equal—some critical tie that would enable Rogers to get to see Nixon at a key time and say, ‘Fire Henry,’ and Nixon would.

Remember drama-triangulation, as described in part 25? The above quote shows an example of drama triangulation: Kissinger presents himself as a victim and Rogers as the abuser.
When in fact Kissinger is abusing Rogers.

Quote Hersh
It was Kissinger who dealt with the resentment of the State Department and of its newly appointed Secretary, William P. Rogers. And it was Kissinger, representing the insistent demands of his patron, who seemed to win the major victory over Rogers.

I doubt, that Hersh has interviewed Kissinger. Therefore ‘insistent demands of his patron’ is someone’s opinion – which I do not share. I’m sure Kissinger could be very demanding – but I doubt he was a messenger for Nixon.

In the above clip, we see the State Department is the target. According to testimonies from his NSC staff, they were supposed to work late - but the canteen closed early. They asked Kissinger to do something about that – and didn’t know that it closed early on Kissinger’s orders.
So they couldn’t hang out over a meal with other White House workers. And as we shall see, it wasn’t only the staff he isolated – but Nixon.

Quote Hersh
He meant to control his staff, and its access to the President and his men, as thoroughly as he meant to control the rest of the bureaucracy.

Kissinger establishes hegemony over the Nixon presidency

Kissinger and Nixon agreed that they would be in control – but what Nixon didn’t know was, that Kissinger had arranged that he was the one really in control.

Quote Coleman
The significance of the Round Table-Kissinger operation was thus: […] a block was placed on all agencies involved in intelligence, preventing them from giving information to President Nixon. This meant Kissinger and his staff were getting ALL INTELLIGENCE, FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC, LAW ENFORCEMENT INFORMATION, INCLUDING FBI DIVISION 5, before any of it was released to the President. […] This was Halperin's bailiwick. By working this methodology, Kissinger at once established hegemony over the Nixon presidency,

As mentioned in the previous part, Halperin was a member of the Manhattan Round Table. Let’s take a closer look at him and the other ‘Round Tablers’.

Morton Halperin

According to Wikipedia, Defense Secretary McNamara asked Halperin to oversee the production of the Pentagon Papers when they both served in the Johnson administration.
I remind you, that McNamara too was a member of the Manhattan Round Table – according to Coleman. So these two Round Tablers produced the Pentagon Papers that later played a significant role in the Watergating of Nixon - ‘thanks’ to a third Round Tabler who leaked these Papers to the press, as we shall see.

We looked at Halperin in the last part – praising Kissinger as “a catalyst in McNamara’s thinking.”
As soon as Kissinger was in office, he asked Halperin to join his staff.

Quote Coleman:
Kissinger ordered National Security Decision Memorandum No. 1 to be drafted by Halperin, who got the actual wording directly from the RIIA [Royal Institute of International Affairs] through Round Table circles. The memorandum appointed Kissinger as the supreme U.S. authority, chairman of the Verification Panel. All SALT [Strategic Arms Limitations Talk] negotiations were directed from there.

Halperin supported Nixon and Kissinger’s stated policy: To get out of the Vietnam war. But he also advocated for a strong military response – when necessary.
Kissinger knew that - but never the less he gave another impression in a meeting with Nixon and Ehrlichman - Nixon’s advisor for domestic affairs - in the Oval Office.

Quote Hersh
During these conversations, Kissinger depicted Halperin as “philosophically in disagreement” with the President on matters of policy. Ehrlichman says it was his impression that Halperin did more than merely disapprove of the Nixon-Kissinger decisions: “I gather that he sabotaged them.”

I’ll get back to Halperin – but first, we have to look at a B-52 bombing in Cambodia.

A few months after taking office, Nixon was faced with a South Vietnam attack to which he wanted to retaliate. He and Kissinger were on their way to Europe and weighed for and against on the way.
Kissinger called Alexander Haig and ordered him to pick up Sitton - an Air Force colonel - and then meet them in Brussels. Before going to Europe, Haig and Sitton met at Pentagon with General Wheeler.

Quote Hersh
Sitton worried about his new assignment as Haig and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff discussed the presidential briefing. “There’s one more problem, General,” Sitton found himself telling Wheeler. “Am I giving an informational briefing or am I selling this program?” Wheeler’s answer was deft: “Go over there and follow your nose. If it’s your opinion that they want to do this, you’re a salesman.”

A salesman? Sounds rather les affaires.
But off they went – on Air Force One!
When they arrived, only Kissinger awaited them. Nixon had left for London.

Quote Hersh
And so the three men, sitting in a small but elaborate conference room in the back of Air Force One as the Nixon entourage flew to London, began talking about the bombing of Cambodia. Kissinger’s overwhelming concern was secrecy. “That was the concern—even above wanting to do it,” Sitton says. “We’ve got to do it with total secrecy.” The Air Force colonel recalls Kissinger’s attitude vividly: “He was still wringing his hands and seeking moral support to be sure that we could do it and do it without having it in the newspapers.” There was no talk of international law or diplomatic niceties, says Sitton.

And they did it, B-52 bombed Cambodia, kept it a secret from Congress, and covered their tracks.

Back to Halperin

On May 9, William Beecher, a military correspondent for the New York Times, published an article where he described the B-52 bombing of Cambodia.

Kissinger immediately called the head of the FBI, J Edgar Hoover, and demanded that the leaker be found. “[…] will destroy whoever did this if we can find him, no matter where he is.”
If you want to look at Hoover, the Cabal puppet, I wrote about him in Part 8.

And thus, Halperin became the first – of many - to be wiretapped in the White House.
In the know, about B-52 were: Kissinger, Nixon, Haig, Sitton, Haldeman, Rogers, and Laird.
But Halperin? Nope.
Kissinger had built up the impression, that Halperin couldn’t be trusted. Nixon, therefore, agreed to wiretap him in order to find out if he was the leak.
And this action established that Halperin wasn’t Kissinger’s man.

We have looked at Hegelian Dialectic in several Parts of my writings.
You know, one of Cabal’s favorite tools: Problem – Reaction - Solution.

My thesis is:
The ‘Solution’ they built up to was to get Nixon out of the way in order to get Cabal Puppets in the WH – and to give Kissinger more power.
So they needed a big scandal – like Watergate – to make the American population ‘React’ with outrage.
This meant, they had to present the population with a really big ‘Problem’ – like:
Illegal bombing, illegal wiretapping – even wiretapping of journalists as we shall see – and as the icing on the cake: the Watergate break-in.

In order to make Nixon agree to the wiretapping, Kissinger made Nixon more and more paranoid by wringing his hands over ‘leakers’.

Halperin left office in the Summer of 1969 – and he became very critical of Nixon and the administration’s Vietnam policy.

Same did Ellsberg, another Round ‘Tabler’.

Daniel Ellsberg

As we saw in the last part Kissinger had met Ellsberg several times in South Vietnam where Ellsberg worked at the U.S. Embassy in Saigon.

Quote Hersh
In the summer of 1968, just after the Republican convention, Kissinger began work on a lengthy analysis of the Vietnam negotiating dilemma for publication in the January 1969 [right after Nixon was sworn in] issue of Foreign Affairs, the distinguished journal of the Council on Foreign Affairs. The article, which he circulated privately before it appeared, served not only to express his views but also to advertise his wares to the next President, whether Nixon or Humphrey.

Foreign Affairs Journal is founded by the Council of Foreign Relations (CFR) according to Britannica. And as we have seen several times in previous Parts, CFR is a big Cabal Nest.

So, the professor’s article was published in the first days of Nixon’s presidency – establishing who was the Alpha regarding Vietnam.

As soon as Kissinger was announced as National Security Adviser, he hired Ellsberg – who was against the Vietnam War. He was often interviewed, criticizing the government.

And less than a year into the administration Ellsberg smuggled the Pentagon Papers out of the White House – and got them published. These Papers were produced under President Johnson (by Halperin, you might recall) and revealed the strategies and actions in Vietnam under four presidents.
The plan worked – the public was outraged. With good reason, I might say.
And even though the Pentagon Papers had nothing to do with Nixon’s presidency as such – it was still a blow.

Nixon had first been indifferent to the leak. But he was persuaded to take on The Times for publishing the ‘Papers’ – which according to Russ Baker “positioned him as a foe of public disclosure.”
Kissinger kept saying “what else has he taken?” – wringing his hands - and thereby made Nixon see that indifference wasn’t the ‘right’ response.

Ellsberg’s alleged psychiatrist was Dr Fielding – in whose office the Plumbers in 1972 broke in – allegedly to search for files that could be damaging to Ellsberg.
We’ll get back to Ellsberg – and the break-in.
First, we have to look at one more major player in the psychological warfare to drive Nixon from office.

Haig and Kissinger in Haig’s office

Alexander Haig

Haig was one of the men, that flew to Brussels to initiate the bombing of Cambodia – as previously described.

According to Coleman, Haig was a member of the Manhattan Round Table which was established by Kissinger on orders from the Committee of 300, delivered at a Bilderberg meeting in 1957.

I don’t know when he established that Round Table. But looking at the timeline of Haig’s career is interesting.
According to Hersh, he was an average West Point student.
Haig served in the Korean war until 1964. Then he served as an aide to Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara – another Round Tabler.

According to Hersh, he attended the right Army schools and served in the right staff jobs. In 1962 he received a master’s degree in international relations from Georgetown University.
His next assignment was at the Pentagon, where he was selected over many other applicants to become an aide to a task force on Cuba. As a Lieutenant Colonel, Haig was exposed to covert CIA operations.

Quote Hersh
Pentagon documents show that he was assigned in June 1963 to serve as Califano’s assistant on “all matters pertaining to Cuba.” At the time, the CIA and the military were in the midst of an intense secret war, authorized by President Kennedy, to overthrow the government of Fidel Castro.

Haig then went to Vietnam, came home as a full colonel, and was recommended to Kissinger by the Army.

Sometime between 1957 and 1969, Kissinger established the Manhattan Round Table – and I guess that Haig was picked for the Round Table before 1960.
His education and the above-mentioned assignments - with McNamara, Califano, and the CIA - were preparations for the drama in the White House I’m about to show you.

As the Hersh quote above shows, Haig served as Califano’s assistant. Let’s see what Coleman has to say about Califano:

Quote Coleman
Haig was a product of the Round Table. He was noticed by Round Tabler Joseph Califano, one of Her Majesty's most trusted Round Tablers in the United States.
[…] On Round Table orders, Kissinger had Haig promoted from colonel to four-star general in the most meteoric rise ever recorded in the annals of United States military history, in the course of which Haig was leap-frogged over 280 senior U.S. Army generals and high-ranking officers.

I’ll come back to Califano in the next Part.

Haig started out as an assistant to Kissinger in January 1969 and when Allen was sent away Haig replaced him as deputy assistant to the president for NSA. During this period he was promoted to brigadier general in 1969 and major general in March 1972.

Haig became an aggressive advocate for being tough in the Vietnam war.

Quote Hersh
His most obvious attributes were the most important ones for Kissinger: He was a no-argument, “can-do” military man all the way, a hardliner on Vietnam, the kind of man who would appeal to Nixon.

Here we see, that Kissinger’s Round Tablers were on opposite ends of a scale. Ellsberg and Halperin were against the war – and Haig was ‘the hardliner on Vietnam’.
The table is set for drama and conflicts.

As previously stated: Nixon didn’t feel comfortable in conflict. He either played the aggressive bully - or he avoided it. He thereby, got more and more isolated and dependent on Kissinger - not seeing how Kissinger was in a process of taking hegemony of the presidency.

Haig took over Allen’s job and he soon undermined and outmaneuvered staff members who wanted to de-escalate the war.

Quote Hersh
Kissinger had yet another means of insuring his importance to Richard Nixon; he continued to try to exclude his staff from any contact with the President. He was able to do so, with one exception: Alexander Haig. Haig’s relationship with Nixon had become close because of the Cambodian invasion, when Haig was outspoken in the White House in defense of the invasion.

Eventually, Haig accomplished a separate relationship with Nixon. Some, interviewed by Hersh, thought that this didn’t sit well with Kissinger. I disagree. The Round Tablers were now one step closer to installing Haig as Chief of Staff – which he became in May 1973, when Haldeman resigned.

Tavistock psychological warfare

In some peace negotiation with China about Vietnam, Kissinger and Nixon signed a Communique in which their trade agreements with Taiwan were excluded.

Secretary of State Rogers had been sent to another meeting than the one Kissinger and Nixon attended.

When Rogers saw the Communique, he pointed out that excluding Taiwan from the Communique would cause Nixon trouble back home. Nixon agreed that he had to go back to negotiations with China.
But China wouldn’t negotiate anymore – the Communique was signed.

And then, we once again see Nixon’s reaction to disagreement. Rogers had pointed out, that it wasn’t good enough, China pointed out ‘done is done’ – and Nixon got furious. The only one he could bully was Rogers, so he called Chief of Staff Haldeman demanding that Rogers be fired. Haldeman was very sympathetic to Nixon – but he also made it clear that firing Rogers would be very bad PR.

Analysis: If one has established a stong integrity, disagreement is a natural part of relations. When someone crosses a line, one can mark the line - even with anger.
If one has not got a strong integrety established, marking lines is ‘dangerous’ and gives rise to stress-hormone, ie. Aggression.
And let’s make one thing clear: Anger, Aggression, and Rage are not the same. Anger is a healthy response to lines being crossed, Aggression is a stress hormone response to ‘danger’ - and when Anger and Agression (two different parts of the brain) are activated at the same time, it becomes Rage.
Nixon didn’t have a strong integrity. So when he marked lines he got stressed - which resulted in raging. He is thus known for being ‘a bully’.
Shame often follows rage. Shame makes one want to crawl into a mousehole - as we say in Danish. Shame thrives in darkness.
So it makes sense that he stayed in the isolation Kissinger/Tavistock pressed him into - instead of going out meeting his staf. By isolating, he avoided the risk of having to mark lines.

Back to the Communique.

The printed press back home criticized the Communique. Then Kissinger went on TV and – in the best Tavistock style – made it sound like they had made a great deal and they of course would stand by the trade agreement with Taiwan. This TV performance made the population turn up at the airport and greet them on their return to the US - as if it was a great success.

Nixon had a moment of victory – but then Kissinger took the spotlight and bragged that he was the one, that made it happen.

This is Tavistock psychological warfare - making Nixon swing up and down. Up on signing the Communique, down when Rogers deemed it ‘not good enough’, up when he got applauded in the airport, and down when Kissinger stole the spotlight.

And the most important part of the warfare was, that a vedge was planted between Nixon and his former close ally, Rogers.
Which fits the goal of the Manhattan Round Table: Isolate Nixon.

Quote Coleman
One of the main techniques for breaking morale through a strategy of terror consists in exactly this tactic--keep the person hazy as to where he stands and just what he may expect. In addition, if frequent vacillations between severe disciplinary measures and promises of good treatment together with the spreading of contradictory news, make the cognitive structure of this situation utterly unclear, then the individual may cease even to know a particular plan would lead toward or away from his goal. Under these conditions even those individuals who have definite goals and are ready to take risks are paralyzed by severe inner conflict in regard to what to do.

More about the Nixon / Bush relation

In 1968 Nixon had received letters from some of the most influential members of the Republican Party, urging him to choose Bush as his running mate.

Quote Russ Baker
Nixon put Bush’s name on a shortlist. But as he glimpsed the prize in the distance, he began to assert his independence. To the surprise of almost everyone, he selected as his running mate Spiro Agnew, Maryland’s blunt and combative governor, who had backed Nixon opponent Nelson Rockefeller, the “limousine liberal,” in the primaries. Agnew seemed to offer two things. One, he could be the attack dog who enabled Nixon to assume the role of statesman that he craved. And two, there was little chance that he would outshine the insecure man.

I heard an interview where Monica Crowly quoted Russ Baker, as saying:
“Nixon picked Agnew as an assassination insurance.”

Do you think Nixon would have lasted five years in Office if he had chosen Bush as his running-mate?

Quote Russ Baker
After Nixon tapped Agnew, Prescott Bush, writing to his old friend Tom Dewey, registered his disappointment in a measured manner: “I fear that Nixon has made a serious error here,” Prescott wrote. “He had a chance to do something smart, to give the ticket a lift, and he cast it aside.” Actually, Prescott was seething; he hadn’t felt this betrayed since John Kennedy fired his friend Allen Dulles as CIA director.

Do you recall Operation 40, from Part 9?

Quote
Dulles and Harriman came up with a plan. They gave George Bush a “chance” to prove himself – recruiting and training Cubans in several terrorist groups that could kill Castro.

Allen Dulles was the CIA chief that JFK forced to resign, and we have seen Averell Harriman again and again as a Cabal rat. Those two men put George Bush in charge of Operation 40.
We saw some of the names in that group in Part 10, Frank Sturgis - and E Howard Hunt who was in charge of 4 Cubans.

Nixon had let himself be persuaded to authorize the formation of a leak-busting White House group, which was soon dubbed ‘the Plumbers’.

When Nixon saw the names of the Plumbers, he recognizes some of them – like Frank Sturgis, G Gordon Liddy, E Howard Hunt, and the Cuban Eugenio Martinez.

He had long been suspicious of the CIA – and now he got really worried.

He had tried several times to get the JFK files from the CIA – without result.
He now demanded to see the Bay of Pigs files as well – and the CIA didn’t deliver.

But Nixon knew, that Operation 40 was created and funded by the Bush family

Left panel: Cia veterans Martinez & Bernard Barker
Center panel: Daniel Ellsberg
Right panel, top to bottom: CIA MK-Ultra psychiatrist Fielding, FBI veteran Gordon
Liddy, CIA veteran Howard Hunt

The Fielding office break-in

Quote Russ Baker
Soon, purportedly operating on Nixon’s behalf—but without his actual approval—the Hunt team broke into Dr. Fielding’s office, having been told to photograph Ellsberg’s patient files. [...] Martinez says that he has participated in three hundred or four hundred similar CIA operations, that this was clearly a ‘cover’ operation with no intention of ever finding anything.

The Plumbers didn’t find anything – which didn’t seem to bother Hunt. They vandalized the office, smashed windows, spread papers and pills across the floor – and Hunt opened a bottle of champagne when they came back to the hotel as if it had been a success.
Which it apparently was. Their actions generated a crime report. Which should later be used in the Watergate investigation.

According to Russ Baker, Nixon had not approved of this break-in. It was a set-up to paint Nixon as completely out of line.

Quote Russ Baker
The principal accomplishment of the break-in was to portray Nixon as a man who had no decency purportedly even stooping to obtain private psychiatric records of a supposed foe. This was almost guaranteed to provoke public revulsion.

One thing I’m quite sure of is that it never became public knowledge, that Dr Fielding, the purported Ellsberg psychiatrist, was part of the CIA’s MK-Ultra program.
He later testified to a Grand Jury, that Ellsberg’s journal had ‘been fingered over’.
Hmmm, I highly doubt that Ellsberg ever set foot in that office.

Besides provoking the public against Nixon, this break-in gave Ellsberg a guaranteed “get out of jail free” card.

Quote Russ Baker
So Nixon, who had been trying to see the CIA’s file on the Bay of Pigs, was now staring at a burglary purportedly carried out in his name by veterans of the same “Bay of Pigs thing” with strong CIA ties. It was like a flashing billboard warning.

To be continued …

Link Part 32 here