The Bigger Picture - Part 33

Preparing to Watergate Nixon

Correction – part 32

I wrote that the information in journalist Anderson’s article apparently was leaked to him by Radford.
Now I’ve read Silent Coup by Colodny and another picture is showing.

Quote Colodny
He [Admiral Welander] reported to Haig virtually every day, and “oftentimes in the evening, when things had quieted down.” […] It was Haig who had “pressed” him to provide Radford for the Kissinger trip, and because of Welander’s own close relationship with Haig; he could hardly refuse such a request.

Colodny adds significant, new information: Radford went through a lie detector – and it wasn’t him who rattled to Anderson.
So who else could it be?

Imagine this scenario: Haig had intel showing Anderson and Radford were friends, so he pushed Admiral Welander to give Radford the job of aide/spy on trips with himself and Kissinger, as I described in Part 32.
Admiral Moorer, who was a Bush Puppet, assigned Radford to copy Kissinger and Haig’s documents on the travels. Then Haig leaked information about the Pakistan tilt to journalist Anderson. And who gets the blame? Anderson’s friend Radford of course.
That’s what I suspect.

Radford was made the most obvious culprit – and nobody suspected Haig.

We know that Haig was Kissinger’s accomplice in the psychological warfare, and was part of the Manhattan Round Table, that Kissinger set up.
Was the Anderson’s articles bad for Kissinger? I don’t think so. Nixon was the one in charge and those articles stressed him out. It was psychological warfare. The ‘Pakistan tilt’ turned the population against him, and: It gave an opening to wiretap a journalist, which made Nixon look very bad.
So sneaky!

Big Picture - with a LOT of details

I’ve named this series The Big Picture – and here I am with a fourth article about the numerous details in the Watergating of Nixon. Again and again I’ve believed that ‘the next’ article would be the last. But this one won’t be the last. I have found so many details in the Watergating of Nixon that I’ve had a hard time seeing what to exclude.

Let me make something clear about The Bigger Picture series. I have no doubt that a Cabal has been focused on taking control of the world for centuries. In order to obtain this control, they have created one Cabal Rat Nest after another, like the CIA, the UN, the Council of Foreign Relations (CFR), Tavistock, The Round Table, and The Bilderberg Group – to mention just a few.

They have infiltrated the Executive branch – going back to President Wilson at least as I’ve shown in previous parts. And they have used Tavistock propaganda techniques to make the public unaware of the Shadow Government and its unwanted agenda.

We have seen the Cabal influencing the Executive Branch for decades - but here, under Nixon, they were no longer satisfied with influencing – seen from my perspective - they wanted to take over. Neither Nelson Rockefeller nor George H W Bush had achieved nominations – so they made a coup d’Etat.

I want to show you in these parts about the Watergating of Nixon, how many details the conspirators had control over. I’ve given it so much focus because to me it looks like the Nixon presidency was a turning point.

They had now surrounded a President with Cabal-operatives in order to take over the Executive Branch.
They had Kissinger and Haig conducting psychological warfare.
They had a lot of CIA operatives conducting criminal acts, like spying on journalists, breaking into psychiatrist Ellsberg’s office, and into Watergate – twice.
They had someone like John Dean manipulating Nixon to get things on tape that would destroy his presidency – as we shall see.
They had Haig feeding Woodward in the press with propaganda, half-truths, and lies – and thus turning the public against Nixon.
And as we shall see, they had puppet senators and prosecutors - and a judge who was a Bush ally.

I haven’t written in chronological order - so let’s catch up on the timeline.
I have posted a full timeline here – should you be interested.

Nixon won the reelection in November, 1972. Agnew was accused of several charges in December. The Watergate Trials began on January 8. Ten days later Nixon made Bush Chair of the Republican National Committee - ‘with a nod’ – on Bush’s request. Which means, he was in a position of power during Nixon’s last year and a half in Office.

I’ve been looking for weeks for more Bush/Kissinger connections and have found this:

Quote Secret Team
Henry Kissinger is the titular head of the intelligence community’s clandestine operations reaction faction. His appearance as a one-man power center is simply due to the fact that he fronts for the Secret Team and the secret intelligence community.

As we saw in the last part, Bush had been a CIA operative since 1953. And here we see, that so was Kissinger.

Kissinger – and his staff of malevolence – conducted psychological warfare on Nixon - which is known to rise the stress level to a degree where a person can no longer use Neocortex adequately. I.e. logical thinking is hampered - as are short-time memory, critical thinking, and concentration.
So, the Kissinger ‘arm’ of conspirators prepared the trap.

And then came the other arm, Bush – with all his CIA connections, his money connections – and his connections to other Puppets in power.   

Quote Russ Baker
Poppy was unique among RNC chairmen over the years in that he had convinced Nixon to let him maintain an official presence at the White House. Just as Nixon had permitted him to participate in cabinet meetings as U.N. ambassador, he now continued to extend that privilege while Poppy ran the RNC. This was unprecedented for someone in such an overtly partisan position.
[…] Here was a man closely connected to the CIA, as we have seen, now both running the Republican Party and sitting in on cabinet deliberations. An intelligence officer couldn’t have asked for a better perch. Moreover, this put him in the catbird seat just as Watergate began heating up.

Since I wrote Part 32, I’ve read Len Colodny’s ‘Silent Coup’, which mostly focuses on how the Watergating was done – and gives a lot of attention to a disgusting man, named John Dean, who set up a lot of details in the Coup. As I wrote in part 32, Dean went to court two times against Colodny – and lost.
Colodny does allege, that Dean is Bushes man.

It has been so disgusting to read about all that John Dean did – and even more disgusting to read about how Nixon, Joint Chief of Staff Haldeman, Attorney General Mitchell – and others – let themselves be manipulated.
So let’s start with John Dean.

 John Dean

For years Dean had hair touching his shoulders and contact lenses. And here is the identity he showed after turning his coat and becoming the essential witness for the prosecution.

Dean, when asked, denied any connection to Bush.
Why then did Bush call him?

Quote Baker
I asked him whether he had any dealings with Bush. “I think there are some phone calls on my phone logs, but I never met with him personally,” he said.
[…]
Indeed, phone logs show that on June 24, 1971, Ambassador Bush called Dean, and on December 6, 1971, Tom Lias of Ambassador Bush’s office called. The logs show other calls from Lias as well.

I’ll spare you all the information I have on Lias from Baker’s book, ‘Family of Secrets’. You’ll have to take my word for it: He was a Bush Puppet. So there was contact between Dean and Bush – at least through Lias.

Quote Baker – meeting between Nixon and Bush in the Oval Office on March 20, 1973:
Bush: “I was speaking with the executives at the Bull Elephants70 . . . The guy said to me, . . . why doesn’t the President send Dean? [to testify to the Watergate Commission] . . . The disclosure is what they’re calling for.

Why did Bush suggest to Nixon to let Dean testify to the Committee? Russ Baker also finds this suggestion from Bush significant.  

Quote Baker
This was a significant moment, where Poppy demonstrates a possible connection to and interest in Dean. It was a sort of specific advice that warrants attention, because it is an indication that the outsider Bush is unusually well informed about who knows what inside the White House—and encourages Nixon to let Dean begin confessing his knowledge.

This suggestion from Bush begs the question: What does Bush and Dean have in common?

Quote Baker
[…] it adds to the list of people with CIA connections—notably Hunt, Dean, McCord, and Poppy Bush—who had pushed hard to get into Nixon’s inner sanctum.

So, Dean had a CIA connection. And as we saw in Part 32, Bush had been a CIA asset since 1953.
Baker doesn’t mention Krogh here – the one in charge of the Burglars. But we know from Part 32 that Krogh had a CIA connection as well.
And as we saw in Part 32, Krogh was the one that got Dean hired without a background check.

Quote Baker
It is not clear how Krogh knew Dean or why he became so determined to bring Dean into the White House—or whether he was told to do so.

That’s a very good point, in my opinion. Was he told to do so? And if that is the case, who told him to?

Krogh had gotten the job because he knew Ehrlichman. That looks quite innocent – because Ehrlichman seems to be unrelated to the conspiracy. But when we look at Krogh’s actions, as head of the Plumbers, the innocence disappears.

Quote Baker
A longtime friend of John Ehrlichman’s and a former member of his Seattle law firm, Krogh brought into the White House not just Dean but also Gordon Liddy. And he approved the break-in at Ellsberg’s psychiatrist’s office—an act whose exposure would seriously damage Nixon.

Krogh served four and a half months in prison for the Ellsberg break-in.
He brought in both Liddy and Dean – and 

Quote Baker
In little over a year, in July 1970, when John Ehrlichman became the president’s chief domestic adviser, and his job as the president’s lawyer opened up, Dean moved in.

So, Dean went from unvetted aide to the president’s lawyer in less than a year. From that position, Dean did so much damage that it’s disgusting to read about! Here we have a man without a background check having free presidential access.

There are at least 20 examples in ‘Silent Coup’ of Dean lying and manipulating – and as you might recall Dean took Colodny to court because of the allegations in Silent Coup - twice – and lost.
One of his favorite tools was to claim, that someone in power, like AG Mitchell, Nixon, Chief of Staff Haldeman, etc., was behind Dean’s requests or orders inside the White House. And it’s so frustrating to see, that nobody picked up the phone to check his claims!

And he hoarded documents - some that would later be condemning to the President – and others that would have been condemning to himself.
In the first category is the rejected Huston Plan, created by Ulasewicz – private investigator - who got this assignment from Dean. The plan suggested bugging – and even killing - antiwar activists and other “radicals”.
The Plan was rejected by Haldeman and Ehrlichman – and Dean took the paper out the door.

When Dean became a turncoat, i.e. became a witness for the prosecution, he handed over that Huston Plan, pretending it was approved of – by Haldeman and Ehrlichman.  
As said, I found it frustrating to see that nobody picked up the phone to check Dean’s claims that his orders came from someone in power. They just took his words at face value.
And the same happened when he became a witness for the prosecutor: They took his words at face value!  

Quote Colodny
Years later, in the spring of 1973, when Dean was talking to federal prosecutors and preparing to appear before the Senate committee investigating Watergate, he gave a copy of the Huston Plan to Federal Judge John J. Sirica, who turned it over to the Senate committee. Dean’s action helped to establish his bona fides as the accuser of the president and was the cause of much alarm.

I mentioned Dean hoarding material that would have been condemning to himself. An example is two notebooks. Let’s take a closer look at what that is about.

As I showed you in Part 32 Quote
Dean was the mastermind of the Watergate burglaries and the true target of the break-in was to destroy information implicating him and his wife in a prostitution ring.

Implicate him how?

The two Hermes notebooks

The first time the Plumbers broke into the Watergate building they installed listening devices.

On whose orders? None of the books I’ve read, answers that question clearly – but they all make it clear that Nixon knew nothing about it.
Silent Coup does make it clear, that the phone they listened to had to do with connecting visitors at DNC with a ring of escort girls. And one of those girls was later to become John Dean’s wife.
In 2009, Nichter got a federal judge to release tapes that showed that the calls concerned:

Quote Colodny
arrangements for dates for visiting Democratic officials, not O'Brien, the alleged target of the break-in. That release was another step to bolster the conclusions of Silent Coup about Dean and his motives for ordering the second and unsuccessful break-in.

So the tapes prove that the official story – that it was O’Brien that was being bugged - is untrue.

The ring was run by an attorney, named Bailley, who was accused of violation of the Mann Act – the transporting of a young woman across state lines for immoral purposes.     

Quote Colodny
Not only did Dean express an interest in Bailley’s case, he had a girlfriend whose name and Clout nickname were in an address book along with the alias of her friend Heidi Rikan, an address book that might well be introduced into evidence in a Mann Act court case.

I think the Cabal has long arms – and that was the reason why Bailey was declared crazy and admitted to a psychiatric hospital. He therefore never made it to court – and the notebooks were thereby never used as evidence.
But a copy of the notebooks existed – and was in E Howard Hunt’s possession.

Quote Colodny
Dean had had Howard Hunt’s safe opened. Dean and Fred Fielding had divided the material into three piles, one of which Dean had handed over to the FBI, and another—containing the Hermès notebooks and the pop-up address book—he had placed in his safe.

Hunt later wanted to use these notebooks in his defense – but they were no longer in the seized material. How he had gotten copies of the notebooks in the first place isn’t clear, but he had had them in his safe – from where Dean had taken them.

Hunt testified in court -  Quote Silent Coup
The notebooks, he said, held “the full operational story of Watergate as he knew it.” Moreover, these notebooks “would have implicated Dean long before there was a Watergate cover-up.” John Dean did eventually admit that he had destroyed Howard Hunt’s notebooks. […] By destroying the notebooks, Dean shredded forever any documentary evidence that could link him to Hunt and his order to go into the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee.

So Hunt testified, that Dean was behind the Watergate cover-up – i.e. the second break-in.
And still, the investigation never turned their attention to Dean.

Quote Colodny
Dean waited to reveal the destruction (1) until he had cemented his deal for a light sentence, (2) until he had pleaded guilty to one count of obstructing justice, and (3) until he had allowed the Special Prosecutor’s office to build criminal cases against John Mitchell and others based on Dean’s own testimony.

As stated, they took Dean’s words at face value - lies about Nixon, Mitchell and Haldeman. There are numerous examples of this in ‘Silent Coup’. One being: When Dean became a turncoat, he made the public aware of the Ellsberg break-in – and pointed Nixon out as a culprit.
As we saw in the last part, Nixon knew nothing about that break-in.

Dean did a lot more than that – as we shall see.

Welander interview about the military spying on the White House

As I corrected in the beginning of this Part, Colodny showed in Silent Coup that the yeoman Radford wasn’t the one that leaked the ‘Pakistan Tilt’ to his friend journalist Anderson. This became clear when the military had Radford take a lie detector.

At the end of the test, he was asked a standard question: “Have you ever furnished classified documents to uncleared persons?”
Well, as we know he had copied thousands of documents and given them to his Superior, Admiral Welander – who passed them on to Admiral Moorer. He panicked at this question and told Weir, who conducted the test that he couldn’t answer without permission from Welander - who they then called.

Quote Colodny
‘Admiral, they are asking me all about our job at the Pentagon. What should I do?’ ” Welander, of course, thought Radford was guilty of the leak, so he responded, “Chuck, all you can do is tell the truth.”

Stewart, a former FBI man, took over the interrogation and Radford talked for hours – interrupted several times when Radford broke down in tears.
Radford later told Colodny that it was a relief to get it off his heart.

Stewart was shocked and although he was part of the Pentagon bureaucracy, he decided that from that moment on his investigation would concentrate “on the military conspiracy.”

When Welander realized he had made a mistake, telling Radford to talk, he called him and ordered him to say no more – and to get a lawyer.

Quote Colodny
“The day after we first interviewed Radford,” Stewart recalls, “I get in bright and early and then Welander is all over me. He was like a madman.” Stewart had already learned from Radford that the admiral had advised him to get a lawyer. “I flew off at Welander and told him to shut up and stay out of our business. I told him that in two minutes I’d get whatever damn security clearances I needed.”

When Nixon was briefed about the Radford situation, he decreed that Ehrlichman and Young should question Admiral Welander - to see if he could corroborate Radford’s story.
When Welander showed up, Ehrlichman presented a statement for him to sign – which he refused.

Quote Colodny
Instead, Ehrlichman proceeded to disarm Welander so completely that the admiral’s initial refusal to sign the statement proved only prelude to a confession that lasted more than an hour and was much more detailed than the admissions on the statement.

The interview was recorded – with Welander’s acceptance - and has never been made public until ‘Silent Coup’ was published.
There were several mentions of Haig – and there was no doubt that he was heavily involved.

Quote Colodny
He [Welander] reported to Haig virtually every day, and “oftentimes in the evening, when things had quieted down.” As Robinson had, Welander forged a close relationship with Haig. It was Haig who had “pressed” him to provide Radford for the Kissinger trip, and because of Welander’s own close relationship with Haig; he could hardly refuse such a request.

Haig is mentioned several times in the taped conversation. He had a central role in the private channel communications of the White House and the Pentagon. He established a “two-way street”  - to which Welander referred – that allowed the brass to receive as well as send information. Haig “conveyed information from the JCS to the NSC, and from the White House to the Pentagon.”

Ehrlichman informed Kissinger of the interrogation of Welander and invited him to his office the next day to listen to the tape. Kissinger wanted to bring Haig – which Ehrlichman allowed.

Quote Colodny
Welander confirmed that Moorer had learned of Kissinger’s secret peace talks with Le Due Tho, one of the most closely guarded White House initiatives. Learning that Kissinger was talking secretly with the enemy could only have increased the Joint Chiefs’ anxiety that the civilians were making deals with the enemy while American soldiers died in the jungle.

When they had listened, Kissinger exploded and stormed around Ehrlichman’s office. He got a grip and pretended that it was Nixon he was angry at  - that he probably wouldn’t fire Moorer, even after this.
Well, I think he was furious because Welander had revealed Kissinger’s disgusting behavior – making secret deals with the enemy - and because his Round-tabler, Haig was revealed as a spymaster.

The next day Haig called Young in a rage and accused him of impugning Welander on naught but circumstantial evidence.

Quote Colodny
‘This tape of Admiral Welander’s confession was to become one of the greatest secrets of the Nixon years, one so closely held that its very existence forced many important people to actions they might otherwise never have taken, and which eventually contributed substantially and directly to Nixon’s resignation. The tape and its transcript have never before been made public, and although the existence of Welander’s confession has been known for some time, the story of the tape and its precise contents has never been fully told prior to the publication of this book. Appendix B of this book contains this Welander confession, as well as a later one.

A later one? Yes – that’s how they did damage control. Here comes the next conspirator, Buzhardt:

Quote Colodny, Main Characters
Pentagon general counsel and later White House counsel. He attended West Point with Haig and was his friend. When Haig became Nixon’s chief of staff, he brought in Buzhardt as his key aide.

Two weeks after Ehrlichman had interviewed Welander, Buzhardt reinterviewed him “at the request of the president” he told Stewart who was present under the interview. That was untrue – and Stewart wasn’t informed that Welander had already confessed on tape. 
In the reinterview, Haig’s role is not shown. Had Stewart known about the previous interview, he might have asked questions about Haig.

Quote Colodny
Why did Buzhardt conduct his reinterview of Welander, an interview that carefully avoided the significant references to Haig that had appeared in Welander’s earlier confession to Ehrlichman and Young? Since neither Laird [Secretary of Defense] nor Nixon had ordered the reinterview, Buzhardt must have done it on his own, or at the request of the only man who had benefited from that reinterview, Alexander Haig—who, as the reader will recall, had listened to the Ehrlichman-Young tape about two weeks before the Buzhardt reinterview.

During Watergate, Haig testified he had never heard the Welander testimony – which we know is a lie.

The reinterview is the one ending up in Committee hearings until Ehrlichman demands to get the original – as defense material. Haig tries to hinder this – but somehow Butterfield - Nixon aide who publicly disclosed the existence of the White House taping system - finds the original and it ends up in the Committee.
The Committee then had both interviews – which clearly shows that Haig is left out of the reinterview. And they did nothing about Haig’s culpability.

The two most striking things about the reinterview of Welander are the matter of who ordered it, and the matter of what was not said in it. Both matters are interlinked.

Quote Colodny
Examining the two interviews of Welander side by side, we found that in the Buzhardt-Stewart reinterview Haig was mentioned several times in passing—but all references to Welander’s confidential dealings with Haig were omitted. […}
The most likely candidate to have ordered the reinterview was Haig himself.

When Colodny asked AG Mitchell fifteen years later, why Nixon didn’t listen to the Welander interview, he replied:

Quote Colodny
Mitchell thought it was a deliberate refusal to face the facts. Mitchell agreed that had Nixon listened to the tape, or allowed an aggressive pursuit of all the leads on Welander’s tape by his own investigators operating under Ehrlichman, or by Mitchell himself, the consequences would have been severe. Severe for whom? For Alexander Haig. “It would have taken and put Haig in a different light and probably gotten him the hell out of there.”

Ehrlichman too sees the true Al Haig – years later:

Quote Colodny
“I missed the boat on Al Haig at the time,” Ehrlichman told us recently, after reviewing the transcript of his old interview with Welander, and David Young’s worried early morning memo, and all the other warning signs. At the time, he muses, “I heard what Welander was saying, but I didn’t fully realize its implications in terms of Haig’s role as an agent for the Joint Chiefs.”
[…]
“Nixon didn’t want to know anything,” Ehrlichman recalls. And so Nixon didn’t know that the man he would later appoint as his chief of staff previously had “confidential relationships” with those implicated in the military spy ring that had operated against Nixon in 1970-71.

Nixon sent AG Mitchell to interview Admiral Moorer – and didn’t inform him of the Welander interview.

Quote Colodny
Before John Mitchell’s death in 1988 we laid out the evidence for Moorer’s complicity, and asked Mitchell about his 1971 interview with Moorer. He reiterated that it had been done before he learned the details of Welander’s confession, and that when he had determined that Moorer’s denial was plausible, he had done so in the absence of crucial evidence to the contrary.
[…] Mitchell concluded, “the president played a game with me” by not disclosing all the facts at the time Mitchell was sent to brace Moorer. “It sounds like I was set up,” Mitchell said.

As I wrote, Kissinger got angry when he heard the Ehrlichman interview – and said he was angry at Nixon, who probably wouldn’t fire Moorer – and he was right about that.

Quote Colodny
In his autobiography, RN, Nixon wrote he was “disturbed” to learn “the JCS was spying on the White House” but offered two additional reasons for keeping the scandal quiet. First, he worried that exposure of it would further demoralize the military at a time when the armed services were already under attack by the antiwar movement. Second, he believed that top-secret information would leak out if the case was pursued. Ehrlichman and Mitchell offered a third reason: Nixon did not want the world to know that he had been spied upon; it would be embarrassing to him, and undermine the image of a strong leader that he was trying to protect.

Townhouse – and Senator Weicker

I haven’t previously mentioned the Townhouse operation. I had planned to skip it – although it was one of the topics that the Watergate Commission looked into.
I’ve changed my mind – because it is both an example of Dean’s manipulations and of Bushes influence in the Watergating of Nixon.

Quote Baker
When the Senate created a committee to investigate Watergate, there was no guarantee that anything would come of it. The perpetrators—the burglars and their supervisors, Hunt and Liddy—were going on trial, and it was uncertain whether the hearings would produce any further insights. Moreover, the committee featured four rather somnolent Democrats and three Republicans, two of them staunch Nixon loyalists.

These facts left only one wild card: Lowell Weicker, a liberal Republican from Connecticut. The conspirators were probably aware, that Weicker was their only chance to target Nixon.

Let’s take a look at Townhouse before coming back to Weicker.

Quote Baker
An independent oilman named John M. King dialed in to offer ideas for improving Nixon’s hold over Congress. Former White House staffer Jack Gleason remembered the episode: “[King] called one day in ’69 and said, ‘You know, we have to start planning for 1970.’ ”

Gleason took orders from Dent and Lias – and as Baker states: “Poppy’s decision, once he moved to the RNC, to hire both Lias and Dent—the two men supervising Jack Gleason’s Townhouse Operation—is surely significant.”

Dent ordered Gleason to set up an office in the basement of a Townhouse.

Quote Baker
The space was not just in a townhouse but in the basement of a townhouse. And not only that, it was in the back of the basement. Reporters would later describe it as a “townhouse basement back room”—an arrangement guaranteed to raise eyebrows if ever discovered.

Although donors could legally have written a check to a candidate, Gleason was instructed to break up their donations into a number of smaller checks.

Quote Baker
The ostensible reason for these complex arrangements was to enable the White House to control the money. The actual effect, however, was to create the impression of something illicit, such as a money-laundering operation aimed at hiding the identities of the donors.

On April 10, 1973, Gleason went to see Senator Weicker. Gleason was no longer associated with the WH and still assumed that Townhouse had been authorized by Nixon, as Dean had led him to believe.

When Gleason had left the WH he had turned over all his files to Haldeman – who had them delivered to Dean. As it later turned out “Haldeman also gave Dean several little notebooks which pertained to the 1970 fundraising.”
So Dean knew who the donors were, how much they gave, and who received funding.

Quote Baker
Someone—Gleason cannot recall who—on the White House staff, figuring he would pass along the information to Weicker, had told Gleason that the senator was going to be implicated for allegedly accepting a Townhouse-transferred campaign donation and not reporting it.

Senator Weicker concluded that Nixon tried to set him up and got very angry. He contacted the special prosecutor’s office and “urged that it investigate Townhouse”.

Quote Baker
Even if Gleason was, as he asserts, trying to do the right thing, someone inside the White House was using essentially the same information for a different purpose: seemingly not to frame Weicker but rather to anger him. Or to give Weicker the impetus to set that moldy would-be scandal, Townhouse, back in play.
[…] Cranking up the volume further, a few days after Gleason’s visit, an anonymous source inside the White House tipped off reporters about illegalities in the 1970 Weicker campaign

Weicker became a useful idiot, a champion of the “truth” on the Senate Committee. He urged prosecutors to investigate Townhouse. He had reporters waiting outside his office waiting for news. As Baker puts it: “reporters were stumbling over each other as they waited for their daily handout.”

He summoned DeBolt for an interview. DeBolt was a high-ranking staffer for the party—on the payroll at Poppy Bush’s RNC.

Quote Baker
he found him sitting with a prepared list of detailed questions, based on information that only someone high up in the White House or RNC could have known about DeBolt. “I don’t remember volunteering a whole lot of stuff. He had a list in front of him, of questions, and he was going down the list and checking them off.

There are several examples in Baker’s book ‘Family of Secrets’ that Weicker doesn’t appreciate Bush.

So let’s recap:

• All of Gleason’s files about the donors and the receivers of Townhouse money are in Dean’s possession.

• The conspirators see Weicker as a tool to reveal condemning things about Nixon, like Townhouse.

• ‘Someone’ – well informed – sends Gleason to Weicker, telling him that he might be implicated for allegedly accepting Townhouse money

• ‘Someone’ has prepared a list to Weicker of questions to ask DeBolt – questions that only ‘someone’ high up in the White House or RNC could have known about

My conclusions are that this ‘someone’ is Dean – and that Dean is acting on behalf of Bush, his CIA ‘colleague’.

A few days later Weicker says to the press:

Quote Baker
“I think the national interest is achieved by opening, not closing, the White House doors,” he said. He added that he would vote in favor of subpoenas for White House officials to appear before the committee. Poppy Bush apparently agreed. On March 20, the day after Weicker’s remarks, Poppy went to see Nixon at the Oval Office.

I have already quoted from that meeting – but here it is again, what Bush said to Nixon: “I was speaking with the executives at the Bull Elephants70 . . . The guy said to me, . . . why doesn’t the President send Dean? . . . The disclosure is what they’re calling for.”

Nixon didn’t agree with the suggestion – and a few weeks later Dean left the Nixon administration and became a witness for the prosecution.

Let’s end this section about Townhouse and Weicker with some information I’ve found - that may not be related – but is interesting nonetheless. It’s from a postscript in Colodny’s book ‘Silent Coup’. It describes something about the Hermes notebooks that the author Stanford writes about in  ‘White House Call Girl’.

Quote Colodny
Through Heidi Rikan's sister, he obtained the address books Rikan used for the Columbia Plaza ring.  […] The names of Sen. Lowell Weicker, who helped Dean prepare his Senate testimony, and Sam Dash, the chief counsel to the Watergate Committee, were included in the address books, as were Nixon associates Maurice Stans and Jeb Magruder, as well as Dean and his wife Maureen.End

Weicker? In the Hermes notebook? And the chief counsel to the Watergate Committee?

The information in Stanford’s book has never been challenged.
Interesting!

Dean left the WH – but before he left, he set a trap for Nixon – The ‘Cancer on the presidency’ narrative.

In the next part we will look at:

• Cancer on the Presidency

• White House Tapes

• Saturday Night Massacre

• Smoking Gun

• Televised Senate Watergate Committee Hearings
  

Link to the next Part here

Links

Family of Secrets by Russ Baker
https://archive.org/details/familyofsecretsb0000bake_r7l6/page/161/mode/2up

Silent Coup
https://archive.org/details/silentcoup00lenc

Watergate has Texas connections
https://www.kvue.com/article/news/author-says-watergate-story-has-texas-connections/269-259338319

Gettlin article (co-author of Silent Coup)
https://spartacus-educational.com/JFKgettlin.htm

The Secret Team
https://archive.org/details/pdfy-JnCrjsoqI22z8p9i/mode/1up?view=theater

The New York Times version of Townhouse
https://www.nytimes.com/1992/06/11/us/files-detail-aid-to-bush-by-nixon-white-house.html